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Table of Content

    08 October 2018, Volume 4 Issue 4
    Intergenerational housing asset transfer and the reproduction of housing inequality in urban China
    Ling Zhu
    2018, 4(4):  453-480.  doi:10.1177/2057150X18792835
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    After the massive commodification of urban housing in the 1990s, housing inequality is now a major source of wealth inequality in urban China. Previous studies of housing inequality have rarely explored the extent and mechanisms of intergenerational housing inequality reproduction. This study fills this gap and examines how intergenerational housing asset transfer affects housing status in contemporary urban China. An analysis of data from the 2006 Chinese General Social Survey yields two important findings. First, ascribed factors such as parental social status have a greater influence than individuals' own social status on their housing status. Second, intergenerational housing asset transfer has become an important mechanism of housing inequality reproduction. Elite parents are more likely to provide transferred assets, which prevents their downward-mobilised children from changing their relative housing status. Against the backdrop of rising wealth inequality in China, this study illustrates how the intergenerational transmission of economic resources is becoming an increasingly important mechanism of inequality reproduction.

    Social capital and social trust in urban China
    Yinxuan Huang
    2018, 4(4):  481-505.  doi:10.1177/2057150X18790083
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    Owing to the dynamics of internal migration and the hukou system, urban areas in China always consist of a four-tiered structure of urban locals, urban migrants, new urbanites and rural migrants. This paper aims to examine the differences among these four groups in terms of social capital and to explore how the association between social capital and social trust may vary across the four groups. Data are based on the 2014 China Labour-force Dynamics Survey. Our analysis of 7662 responses first indicates that patterns of social capital in the four urban groups appear to be largely distinct. Second, we find a clear rural-urban division in social trust in the Chinese city: rural migrants and new urbanites tend to be less trusting than urban locals and urban migrants. Among the aspects of social capital under consideration, social network support and neighbourhood attachment are associated with higher levels of social trust, whereas the effects of bonding and bridging civic organizations on social trust are relatively weak. However, these patterns indeed tend to vary across the four groups of urban residents in the cases of civic engagement and social network support. Consequently, these findings suggest that the interplay of individuals’ hukou identities and migration experiences in urban China has an important impact on their social connectedness, which also presents distinctive implications for social trust

    Centralization and decentralization of power structure: A theory of ruling risks and empirical evidence from Chinese history
    Zhenghan Cao
    2018, 4(4):  506-564.  doi:10.1177/2057150X18789048
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    In Chinese history, the power relationship between the central and local governments has undergone perennial and critical changes. These changes have given rise to three questions: First, why did some dynasties adopt feudalism at an early stage, merely to curtail the local authority in times of stability? Second, why did the Yuan and Ming dynasties employ a native chieftain system, while the Qing dynasty struggled to bureaucratise the native officers in ethnic minority areas? Third, why were the dynasties of Han ethnicity so hesitant to set up a provincial government while nomadic societies did not view this as a dilemma? Furthermore, why was the Qing dynasty, which was ethnically Han, able to break down these contradictions and create a stable provincial government and provincial state? This paper demonstrates that these changes may be explained by the propensity of the rulers to minimise the ruling risks and constraints that they encountered. Specifically, the ruler’s decision to centralise or decentralise power was constrained by certain challenges, such as fiscal and administrative costs, military technology limitations and political competition. These constraints impelled the ruling class to deviate from the system of prefectures and countries. Under these circumstances, the central government was forced to endure higher social risks and also the potential delegation of power. However, it would reduce the social and delegate risks provided that the constraints were loosened, which triggered the evolution of a power structure between the central and local governments. Another potential driving force behind the changes in the power structure was the dynamic between the social and agency risks. When these risks increased, the central government would readjust the centralisation and decentralisation of power at different government levels to control the rising risks.

    The system of special commissioners and the early labor movement of the Communist Party of China: Illustrated by the history of the Anyuan workers' movement (1921-1925)
    Xuejun Ma
    2018, 4(4):  565-592.  doi:10.1177/2057150X18803586
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    Existing literature on the Communist Party of China (CPC)-led labor movement places particular emphasis on the revolutionary discourse and analysis of class struggle but pays less attention to the organizational form of the CPC-led labor movement from the perspective of organizational sociology. This paper uses the early Anyuan labor movement as its case study and analyzes and compares the work effectiveness of CPC special commissioners, Li Lisan and Liu Shaoqi, for the purpose of exploring the organizational form of the system of special commissioners in the CPC-led labor movement. Although Anyuan was an important early base of the workers' movement of the CPC, the existing research contributes little on the subject of its historical process and the organizational form of the CPC-led Anyuan labor movement. This paper argues that Li Lisan created the Anyuan labor movement using his own personal resources, but his successor Liu Shaoqi failed to sustain the Anyuan movement. It shows that the system of special commissioners in the CPC was responsible for the rise and fall of the Anyuan labor movement. In the early stages of the CPC-led labor movement, neither the class consciousness of the workers nor the will of the central CPC committee determined the progress of the labor movement. Rather, this depended on the personal resources of the CPC special commissioners. The actual work effectiveness of special commissioners was related not only to their personal resources, but also to the commissioners' positions in the CPC. The special commissioner system caused tension between the CPC unified leadership and individual commissioners. This led to the complex question of the relationship between professional revolutionary organizations and the masses in revolution. Specific analysis of the early system of special commissioners of the CPC helps us to focus on the organization of the CPC-led labor movement and also to understand the early forms of organizational development and evolution of the CPC.

    Call for Papers
    2018, 4(4):  593. 
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    The Chinese Journal of Sociology (CJS) is a peer-reviewed, international journal issued by Shanghai University and administrated by SAGE Publications, with the aim of building an academic platform for in-depth discussion of the issues facing contemporary Chinese society from a sociological perspective. The journal strives to promote academic communication, research collaboration, and resource sharing, both inside and outside China.

    The Chinese Journal of Sociology is calling for papers for the 2019 volume.

    Rigorous research articles and innovative theoretical essays on the following topics are highly welcomed: Social stratification or social inequality; Social movements; Social organizations and social governance; Cultural and ideological change; Migration, migrant workers and urbanization; Family and demographic studies; A sociological understanding of the environment; Social security and social policy.

    The Chinese Journal of Sociology is a peer-reviewed international journal of Shanghai University and the Paul and Marcia Wythes Center on Contemporary China at Princeton University. Benefits of publishing include: Rigorous peer review of your research, led by a world-class editorial board; High visibility on the award-winning SAGE Journals platform; Prompt publishing and quick first decision times; Indexing in Scopus and ProQuest; A guaranteed targeted, multidisciplinary audience.

    If you have any questions, please email Luying Wang at the CJS editorial office: luying.wang@outlook.com.

    征稿启事
    2018, 4(4):  594. 
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    Chinese Journal of Sociology(简称:CJS),2015年3月创刊,季刊,是由上海大学主办、普林斯顿大学当代中国研究中心协办、SAGE出版发行的高水平的国际化英文学术期刊,全程执行双向匿名评审。
    CJS注重理论研究、定量研究与质性研究之间的平衡。通过集结国内外相关领域的知名学者和专家,关注中国社会的本土问题,以本土和国际双重视角审视和解读中国在历史变革过程中所产生的社会问题,从而引领中国社会学的研究方向,为国际社会了解中国社会和相关文化理念提供平台,也为中国学者参与国际学术对话和交流提供机会。
    CJS 2019年第1-4期现在面向全球征稿,欢迎来自包括但不限于以下领域的优质来稿:
    • 社会公平
    • 社会分层与流动
    • 社会组织与治理
    • 文化与思想变迁
    • 城镇化与流动人口
    • 家庭与人口研究
    • 环境社会学
    • 社会福利与政策
    CJS的优势:
    • 这是一本严格执行双向匿名评审的高水平英文国际期刊
    • 优质稿件能得到来自世界顶级编委会组织的同行评议
    • SAGE在期刊(尤其是社会科学类期刊)运营方面拥有强大实力,能在全球范围内进行跨学科推广,文章在世界范围内的可见度高
    • 出版周期短
    • 已被Scopus和ProQuest数据库收录
    如有疑问,请邮件联系CJS编辑部:王璐莹,luying.wang@outlook.com