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    01 April 2019, Volume 5 Issue 2
    Introduction to the special issue on 'Life course and family dynamics in a comparative perspective'
    Tak Wing Chan
    2019, 5(2):  141-142.  doi:10.1177/2057150X19840253
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    The five papers included in this special issue of the Chinese Journal of Sociology come from a collaborative research project called 'Life course and family dynamics in a comparative perspective' (for details, see http://csr.pku.edu.cn/EN/ AcademicResearch/station/jianjie/). This project involves researchers from China, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK. They are generously supported by the research councils of the four countries: the National Science Foundation of China (award number: 71461137001), the German Science Foundation (award number: NA164/19-1), the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (award number: 467-14-152) and the UK's Economic and Social Research Council (award numbers: ES/L015927/1 and ES/L015927/2).

    Broadly speaking, each of the four teams focuses on one stage of the life course: the Chinese team is concerned with child development; the German team examines the transition to adulthood; the UK team investigates economic inequality in the prime working age; and the Dutch team looks at family relationships, health and support at older age.

    Despite the different foci, the four teams are united in their analytical approach. We all use large-scale, high-quality and nationally representative data to address our research questions from a comparative angle. The main data sets that serve as the anchors of our research are the China Family Panel Survey, the (German) Socio-economic Panel, the Netherlands Kinship Panel Study and (the UK) Understanding Society. Where appropriate, we also bring in other comparative cases (most importantly, the USA) and/or other data sources, including the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, the German Family Panel and the European Social Surveys.

    To summarise very briefly the five papers included here, in the first paper, Djundeva, Dykstra and Emery set the scene by giving a wide-ranging overview of the basic demographic trends and family patterns in the four countries. In the second paper, Lyu, Li and Xie examine the determinants of academic achievement in China, Germany and the USA. They show that parental education plays a much bigger role in Germany and the USA than in China. As regards macro socialstructural factors, such as region and the rural-urban contrast, their impact on children's test scores is much larger in China than in Germany or the USA.

    In the third paper, Fulda, Nauck and Ren use both census and survey data to compare the timing of first marriage and parenthood in China, Germany and the USA, and relate these patterns to the educational experience of young people in the three countries. In the fourth paper, Gruijters, Chan and Ermisch are concerned with intergenerational educational mobility. They show that the strength of the association between parents’ and children's educational attainment has stayed broadly the same over cohorts in Germany, the Netherlands, the UK and the USA. In China, however, the chance of educational mobility has declined steadily and significantly across cohorts.

    Finally, Emery, Dykstra and Djundeva use data collected in the Survey for Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) and the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) to look at the determinants of intergenerational coresidence in Europe and in China. They reveal not only strong differences between China and Europe, but also important differences within China and within Europe too.Finally, Emery, Dykstra and Djundeva use data collected in the Survey for Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) and the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) to look at the determinants of intergenerational coresidence in Europe and in China. They reveal not only strong differences between China and Europe, but also important differences within China and within Europe too.

    The five papers in this special issue are just a part of the outputs of our collaborative work. Other publications can be found on the project website. Finally, I should add that our collaborative research project involves a large number of Chinese scholars, many of whom are early career researchers. Apart from those who are co-authors of the papers included here, they include Jingwei Hu, Zheng Mu, Hongwei Xu, Qi Xu, Jia Yu, Chunni Zhang and Xiaobo Zhang. We treasure our interactions with them and are very grateful to them for guiding us through the intricacies of the China Family Panel Survey.

    Family dynamics in China and Europe in the last half-century
    Maja Djundeva, Pearl A. Dykstra and Tom Emery
    2019, 5(2):  143-172.  doi:10.1177/2057150X19836368
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    This review offers a joint perspective on Chinese and European key demographic trends in the family domain, emphasising the impact of macro-level social structures and institutions on individual life courses. We outline key demographic shifts across the Netherlands, Germany, the UK and China in the period after the 'golden age of the welfare state' in Europe and the 'post-reform' era in China (after the 1970s). Several empirical trends are highlighted, with a focus on: rising inequality in China and persistent inequality in Europe; the traditional family sequence in China and de-standardization of life courses in Europe; ending with similarities between countries in population aging and differences in later life courses with regards to intergenerational transfers.We draw upon a range of theoretical frameworks to argue that trends in marriage, fertility and intergenerational relationships reflect tensions between rapid social and economic changes and discuss the limitations of modernisation theories and the second demographic transition.

    The influences of family background and structural factors on children's academic performances: A cross-country comparative study
    Mengjie Lyu, Wangyang Li and Yu Xie
    2019, 5(2):  173-192.  doi:10.1177/2057150X19837908
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    It is well known that children's academic performances are affected by both their family backgrounds and contextual or structural factors such as the urban-rural difference and regional variation. This article evaluates the relative importance of family background versus structural factors in determining children's academic achievements across three different societies: China, the United States of America, and Germany, analyzing data from five large-scale, high-quality, and nationally representative data sets. The results reveal two main findings: (a) family socioeconomic status exerts much stronger positive effects on children's academic achievement in the USA and Germany than in China; and (b) structural factors (such as those measured by location and urban/rural residence) play much smaller roles in the USA and Germany than in China.

    The transition to adulthood in China, Germany and the US: Prevalence and timing in private and professional life
    Barbara E. Fulda, Bernhard Nauck and Qiang Ren
    2019, 5(2):  193-213.  doi:10.1177/2057150X19838728
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    We explore cross-country differences in the transition to adulthood between China, Germany, and the USA. Using large-scale panel studies, we examine the timing of leaving the parental home, first marriage and first parenthood. For those born between 1933 and 1988, we observe a delay in the timing of first marriage in all three societies. But the delay is steeper in the USA than in Germany and China. The age at first childbirth is increasing in all three countries. By age 30, most individuals in China have married their first partner and become parents, whereas in the USA and Germany less than half of the population have experienced one of these events. There are large differences in educational and employment trajectories between the urban and rural populations in China, less so in the USA, whereas almost no differences are observed in Germany. The three countries are alike in the proportion of individuals who have left the parental home by age 30. In all three countries, individuals without tertiary qualifications are more likely to have experienced all three events by age 30. But with regard to first marriage, a larger share of higher-educated individuals get married by the age of 30 in the USA, whereas in China it is the less educated who are more likely to get married.

    Trends in educational mobility: How does China compare to Europe and the United States?
    Rob J Gruijters, Tak Wing Chan and John Ermisch
    2019, 5(2):  214-240.  doi:10.1177/2057150X19835145
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    Despite an impressive rise in school enrolment rates over the past few decades, there are concerns about growing inequality of educational opportunity in China. In this article, we examine the level and trend of educational mobility in China, and compare them to the situation in Germany, the Netherlands, the UK and the USA. Educational mobility is defined as the association between parents' and children's educational attainment. We show that China's economic boom has been accompanied by a large decline in relative educational mobility chances, as measured by odds ratios. To elaborate, relative rates of educational mobility in China were, by international standards, quite high for those who grew up under state socialism. For the most recent cohorts, however, educational mobility rates have dropped to levels that are comparable to those of European countries, although they are still higher than the US level.

    Intergenerational co-residence during later life in Europe and China
    Tom Emery, Pearl A. Dykstra and Maja Djundeva
    2019, 5(2):  241-259.  doi:10.1177/2057150X19838031
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    Individuals in China are much more likely than Europeans to live with their adult children during later life. In this paper, we examine the extent to which this holds true across the diverse contexts and circumstances faced by Europeans and Chinese.We use comparative data from the Survey for Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe and the China Family Panel Studies to examine cross-national differences in whom adults in later life choose to live with.We find that in rural China and among urban migrants there is a tendency to live with higher-educated children, whilst among urban Chinese and Europeans, individuals live with those with lower education levels. We also find that in Europe there is only a small preference for living with male adult children, whilst across China this preference is much stronger. However, we also note that this preference is weakest in urban China. These findings indicate strong differences in co-residence patterns between China and Europe, but also some similarities between specific subpopulations. We explain these differences and similarities using a social policy framework.